Unfortunately Krugman’s hopes that the policy conversation in Canada is more enlightened than in the US is dashed once again. Here is the set-up which is lifted from the comments section over at WCI*:
Posted by: [JR] | September 10, 2010 at 06:44 PM
The problem with central banks just targeting inflation is that no-one is responsible for unemployment. The ethically critical task for economists is to figure out how to get the NAIRU down.
Posted by: Stephen Gordon | September 10, 2010 at 06:58 PM
Are you sure? Because there’s a really cheap and easy way to do that: abolish Employment Insurance and social assistance. Be careful of what you wish for.
OK lets leave JR’s confusion over the unemployment rate and the NAIRU to the side as even US senators botch it badly. Let us also leave the dubious scientific validity of the NAIRU to one side (the empirics are bad). Let us also refrain from mentioning that he sounds a lot like the shrill Niels Veldhuis of the Fraser Institute which Stephen has decried as not belonging to the evidence based community.
Stephen’s flippant response (and in perfect accord with the Fraser institute) is I suspect the widely held gut instinct of scientific liberals** (aka orthodox economists). But I think even here Stephen has transgressed the boundaries of the received wisdom and is attempting to push the argument further than can be sustained on its own terms–i.e. accepting the internal validity of its logic.
The supposed link between welfare, EI and the NAIRU is that IF replacement rates (the benefit paid out) are too high then unemployment will stay too high because workers will not accept jobs below their replacement rates. That is the micro mechanism. The macro-consequence is that prices (wages) will not stall or fall because the economy is already at a de-facto full employment rate. If replacement rates are left untouched and the government tries via fiscal policy or the central bank tries via monetary policy to stimulate the economy in an attempt to decrease the ‘”officially recorded” unemployment rate THEN they would simply increase inflation (and at an accelerating rate to boot if they kept stimulating) because they would essentially be stimulating a supply constrained economy (on the labour market side).
The NAIRU can thus be thought of as the Phantom Menace in this morality play: in which the abridged moral of the story, as is often the case, boils down to a cliché–the road to hell is paved with good intentions–trussed up in quasi-scientific garb (hey if the relationship is not stable and it fluctuates without major changes in the social protection legislation and despite increasing labour market flexibility then I am being REALLY charitable here).
I slightly digress. Let us come back to causation and replacement rates. The average welfare rate in Ontario is around 600$ and the average minimum wage job pays around, after taxes and deductions, 1100$ (assuming a 35hour work week). Which means that the replacement rate for welfare is about 55%, or near half the value of a minimum wage job. Employment insurance replacement rates are an equally dismal 55%.
There are thus two major flaws in Stephens extreme logic that “there’s a really cheap and easy way to do that [lower the NAIRU]: abolish Employment Insurance and social assistance.”
The micro foundations of the NAIRU rely on the relationship between the incentive to work and the incentive to idle. True, all things being equal if I could collect something close to my existing salary without actually having to work I would probably dedicate most of my time to strictly speaking over the short term non pecuniary pursuits. We might call it leisure or we might call it investment the proof of the pudding would be in the eating. That is another story. The point is 55% of my salary leaves me and I suspect most Canadians declaring bankruptcy if sustained for too long a time. The replacement rates are already so low as to make me willing to take any job at anything above 60% of my existing salary with the hopes of shopping-up when times get better. That implies massive flexibility which implies a hefty downward shift in the NAIRU.
Here is the analogue. Imagine the Bank of Canada is sets real interest rate at 0% (O.K. you do not need to imagine they are already there and have been for some time; negative in fact). So you are pushing on a string: your are out of ammo. Replacement rates work the same way. Once they have been pushed so low any further decreases deliver infinitesimally less effect on the NAIRU. Stephen forgets his ilk already won that war. But like a good soldier fighting the last war he needs to ring the bell again!
Fine, old wars and instincts die hard.
But here is the really shrill part of Stephens logic. Abolishing EI and welfare would not lower the NAIRU under present conditions. We are demand constrained. We only become supply constrained on the labour supply side of things if and only if according to accepted wisdom if high unemployment persists for too long: i.e., hysteresis kicks in (you know the idea that Wayne Gretzky forgets how to pass and shoot hockey pucks after a year).
Yep I am willing to swallow all that bullshit and I still can’t get to Gordon. Hey it is an inside job I am pulling here.
Re-focussed. If you killed EI and social assistance right now, the consequences would be devastating. Demand would plummet by the equivalent value of payments, business would register the defective demand through declining inventories and decreased investment and prices would begin a deflationary death dance. True the NAIRU would be heading south: -4 or 6%% anybody? BUT so what? The recorded unemployment rate would go to 14-20% and if we accept that skills are like lettuce those figures would become persistent and the tax base totally eroded. Now if Stephen Gordon thinks that is a cheap solution to the NAIRU then I can only conclude that he has joined the ranks of the, what was the phrase he used?, ohh yes: “not belonging to the evidence based community”
*The name of the innocent was changed to protect the innocent.
**Take a political theory course if you do not know what a liberal in the political theory or original sense of the word means.
I think you ought to revisit why Krugman came to his views years ago.